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Emir of State of Qatar, Sheikh Tamim bin Hamad alThani addressed at the Munich Security Conference on Friday, 16th Feb. 2018
Ladies and Gentlemen,
It gives me great pleasure to address this distinguished audience. Germany is an especially appropriate venue for a meeting to discuss the present-day global order, and the threats to it. A nation that stands for the values of freedom and the rule of law, Germany is also a major pillar for the European Union, seen by many as a bastion of coexistence and trans-national cooperation.
While all of us are aware of the challenges facing the European Union, we in the Middle East and Im sure this is true elsewhere see the EU as proving that peaceful coexistence and collective prosperity are possible in the aftermath of horrific conflicts.
As a body, the EU demonstrates that a union can establish shared security based on mutual interests, even amongst people who tore themselves apart in war. Like it or not, Brexit is an example of a peaceful resolution of differences. No diplomatic ties were cut, and no blood was shed. There is a lesson here for us in the Arab region.
The European Union provides a framework for regional governance, and the peaceful arbitration of disputes. This framework is sorely needed in the Middle East. Today, many governments and international powers act with impunity, without regard for human rights. The lack of accountability for good governance is widespread. It's no wonder that people are losing hope individuals who would otherwise have stood trial for war crimes against their own people are possible candidates in presidential elections!
An audience such as yourselves must be able to see why many people, even entire nations, are losing faith in international accountability. They think arguably right that many of the global mechanisms for conflict resolution, and the maintenance of rights have been paralyzed and sidelined. My region provides many examples: Palestinians since the Nakba, seventy years ago; the situation in Syria, Libya, Somalia, Afghanistan and Yemen. The suffering of people in my region may appear distant to an audience in Munich, but the waves of refugees make these injustices a European concern. And the darkness of terrorism now casts a shadow on the entire world.
Suffering and injustice pave the way for terrorism to flourish. Evil actors will twist religious dogmas to poison the minds of desperate people. Extremist religious doctrines pose an undeniable challenge to all of us. They exist in every culture, and the Islam has no monopoly on them. It is clear that we are obliged to combat religious extremism. But, having said that, attributing violent terrorism to extremist ideologies is too simplistic. It does not explain why violent extremism has become a major threat in my region, while extremist ideologies can be found anywhere.
Munich 17 Feb. 2018
Over the past five decades the Munich Security Conference (MSC) has become a key annual gathering for the international "strategic community." Since its foundation in 1963 as "Internationale Wehrkunde-Begegnung," the MSC has been an independent forum dedicated to promoting peaceful conflict resolution and international cooperation and dialogue in dealing with today’s and future security challenges. It has especially focused on the transatlantic partnership.
Panel Discussion on Opening Day Jens Stolenberg, Secretary General MSC and Wolfgang Ischinger, Secretary General NATO
Thank you Wolfgang and it's really great to be back here at the Munich Security Conference, a very important platform for dialogue, especially in times when we see high tensions and many challenges, as we see now. And in the report for this conference, you have warned us all that we are moving towards the brink of a significant conflict, and my main message today is that it is our common responsibility to enable us to move away from that brink and to prevent conflict. And in my introductory remarks I will address three issues, which are key if we are to achieve exactly that; the transatlantic partnership, EU efforts on defence, and nuclear challenges.
First, some words about the transatlantic partnership. In front of the new NATO Headquarters, there are two memorials. One is a section of the Berlin Wall and the other, a twisted girder from the wreckage of the Twin Towers in New York, and together they symbolise NATO's steel hard commitment to our collective defence, and our solidarity in the fight against terrorism. But most of all, they symbolise the unbreakable bond that unites the continents of North America and Europe. During the Cold War, NATO successfully deterred the Soviet Union. When the Cold War ended, we extended a hand of friendship to former adversaries and welcomed them into the Euro-Atlantic family. NATO helped to end two wars in the Balkans and we remain in Afghanistan to ensure it never again becomes a safe haven for international terrorists.
Without the enduring power of the transatlantic partnership, none of this would have been possible. But the paradox is that, throughout our history, people have questioned the transatlantic partnership, from the Suez Crisis to the Iraq War, from America's Pivot to Asia, to perceived lack of support for Article 5, and unfair burden-sharing. All of this has fuelled an impression of weakening transatlantic bond. But the reality is that the bond has proven to be resilient, because both Europe and North America benefit from the bond. What we see now is North Americans coming back to Europe, just as Europeans are stepping up their contributions to our shared security. Not just in words, but also in deeds. After the end of the Cold War, the United States reduced its military presence in Europe. In autumn 2013, the last American battle tank left Europe. Now the Americans are back with a new armoured brigade.
And this week, Washington rolled out a plan for further substantial increases in US presence in Europe. Billions for equipment, prepositioned supplies, training and infrastructure. Canadian troops have also returned to Europe for the first time in a generation, leading a multinational battlegroup in Latvia.
But the transatlantic partnership is not a one-way street. European Allies and Canada have stood with America in the fight against terrorism for the better part of two decades: in Afghanistan, in Iraq and in Syria. European Allies are also sharing the financial burden of our security. For years, defence spending by European Allies and Canada was in decline. But in 2014, facing a changed security environment, all Allies made a commitment to reverse that trend. We promised to stop the cuts and the cuts have stopped. We promised to start increasing defence spending and defence spending, across Europe and Canada, has increased, for three consecutive years, for the first time in many years. We promised to move towards spending 2% of GDP on defence within a decade and we are moving. Remember that in 2014, only three Allies met the 2% guideline. This year we expect eight Allies and by 2024, we expect at least 15. All NATO Allies have put forward plans to increase spending in real terms. This is major progress and it is a very good start. But we still have a long way to go and hard work ahead.
The simple message is the transatlantic Alliance remains the most powerful, most effective and most reliable alliance the world has ever seen. Because, in times of need, we are all prepared to do what is necessary for our shared security.
Let me turn to EU's efforts on defence, which I know will be one of the main topics discussed during this conference. I welcome EU efforts on defence. They are an opportunity to further strengthen the European pillar within NATO and contribute to better burden-sharing. But with opportunity comes risk. The risk of weakening the transatlantic bond, the risk of duplicating what NATO is already doing and the risk of discriminating against non-EU members of the NATO Alliance. These risks must be avoided. The reality is the European Union cannot protect Europe by itself. European leaders themselves have underlined this point many times. NATO countries outside the EU play a fundamental role in the defence of Europe. After Brexit, 80% of NATO's defence spending will come from non-EU Allies.
However, this is not only about money, it is also about geography. It is hard to imagine European security without the close involvement of Norway in the North, Turkey in the South, and the United States, Canada and United Kingdom in the West. But if we remove the risks and make the most out of the opportunities, if the EU actions complement NATO and are not seen as an alternative, then I see great potential for improving European security. That is why a closer NATO-EU cooperation is vital. NATO and EU are natural partners, we share the same values, the same challenges, the same people. More than 90% of the people living in EU countries live in a NATO country. I am proud that, over the past couple of years, we have made unprecedented progress on NATO-EU cooperation. Today, we are working side-by-side in the Aegean and Mediterranean, in Afghanistan and Iraq, in Georgia, Ukraine and the Western Balkans, and on exercises, cyber and hybrid threats. EU defence can strengthen NATO and keep Europe safe, if they are anchored within the transatlantic partnership.
Then, before I close, let me say a few words about the re-emergence of nuclear challenges. For many years, the nuclear threat receded from view. Unfortunately, it is back on our agenda and it would be irresponsible to ignore it. Proliferation is happening now, today, and cornerstone nuclear agreements are under threat, including the INF Treaty. I belong to a political generation from whom… for whom debates on nuclear forces in Europe in the 1970s and the 1980s defined our understanding of security issues. The deployment of SS20, Pershing and cruise missiles was a profound concern for publics and politicians alike. In 1987, the INF Treaty banned all these weapons. Since then, it has been a pillar for European security.
The problem is that the US has determined that Russia is in violation of the INF Treaty, by developing and flight testing a new intermediate-range ground-launched cruise missile. We must protect the INF Treaty and we call on Russia to address the concerns of all NATO Allies, in a substantial, transparent and verifiable way. We see that Russia is modernising its nuclear capabilities, developing new nuclear systems and increasing the role of nuclear weapons in its military strategy. This is a cause for real concern.
At the same time, North Korea continues to develop its nuclear and ballistic missile programmes, which pose a threat to us all. All Allies are now within range of North Korean missiles. Pyongyang is closer to Munich than it is to Washington DC and therefore we must put maximum pressure on North Korea to abandon its nuclear programme, by political and diplomatic means and, not least, through effective economic sanctions. Russia and China have a special responsibility, as members of the UN Security Council and as neighbours of North Korea. Iran also possesses a proliferation concern. That is why NATO Allies place great importance on the Iran Nuclear Deal, but to be effective it must be properly implemented. All these developments forces us to pay more attention to nuclear threats.
And let me be clear, NATO's goal is a world without nuclear weapons, but as long as they exist NATO will remain a nuclear alliance. A world where Russia, China and North Korea have nuclear weapons, but NATO does not, is not a safer world. That is why the ultimate guarantee of NATO's security is the strategic nuclear forces of Allies, particularly those of the United States. We need to maintain a safe, secure and effective nuclear deterrent. At the same time, Allies remain committed to reducing the number of nuclear weapons, in a balanced and verifiable way. And we have a strong track record. Since the height of the Cold War, NATO Allies have reduced the nuclear arsenal in Europe by 90%. In it's recent Nuclear Posture Review, the US reconfirmed its commitment to nuclears… nuclear arms control and the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty. And United States has also reiterated its global leadership role in reducing the number of nuclear weapons.
Only last week, Washington and Moscow announced that the limits of the new START Treaty have been reached, restricting United States and Russia to 1550 deployed warhead… warheads each, down from 12,000 in 1994, when the first START Treaty came into force. That shows the importance of such landmark agreements. It shows that arms control can work and it shows that the risk of conflict can be effectively reduced.
Ladies and Gentlemen, our world may have become more dangerous, but conflict is not inevitable. To preserve the peace, we need the military strength of the NATO Alliance, combined with the political courage to seek dialogue, to deescalate, reduce tensions and find peaceful solutions to our differences. Then we move away from the brink of conflict.
Thank you.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Ladies and Gentlemen, we have about 20 minutes for Q&As and, before I call on any of you, let me start by asking a question myself. Mr Secretary General, when one looks at newspaper reports of the current situation in certain parts of Syria, it looks as if two NATO Allies are at risk of militarily confronting each other. Now of course, this is not the first time in the history of the Alliance that we have had friction between Allies, between Greece and Turkey, it's an old story, but this is the first time that two really major Allies, the United States and Turkey, are having a real problem. So, if you could tell us how you think this can or should be handled, and how it will be handled, in order to re-establish a perception of a NATO Alliance that is not divided in a very important way.
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: The way to handle this is that the United States and Turkey sit down and find ways to avoid any… how should I say… incidents or conflicts or further problems in Northern Syria, and I welcome the fact that that’s exactly what they are doing. For instance, during the Defence Ministerial Meeting in Brussels of NATO yesterday, Secretary Mattis met with his Turkish counterpart. Secretary Tillerson was recently in Ankara and we have seen the reports that they are now sitting down and really making efforts to solve the problems we all face in Northern Syria, but they are on the ground and they are present. NATO provides support to the Global Coalition to defeat ISIS and Turkey has been a key partner, or member, of that Coalition. The progress we have made in defeating ISIS in Iraq and Syria would not have been possible to achieve without Turkey being a key player, because Turkey is bordering Iraq, bordering Syria, and has provided a critical infrastructure, airports, and many other facilities which has been important. But now, the important thing is to find ways for US and Turkey to deconflict, and I welcome that that is exactly what they are doing, through the many different high-level meetings which are taking place now.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Thank you. I have [Klaudia Haut], [inaudible] from Moscow and I have a couple of more. Yes, Carl, I see you. And I have question from Fritz Felgentreu. Why don’t we take, if you agree with this, why don’t we bundle them, take three together. And we'll start of course with Klaudia Haut from the…
QUESTION [Klaudia Haut]: [in German]
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: I will read a question that is related not to Syria, but to Iraq, if you agree, from Fritz Felgentreu.
In a recently ongoing discussion, I'm quoting here, "NATO is considering taking responsibility for a mission of capability building with the Iraqi armed forces. This project is meant to be a sequel to the War on Daesh, aimed at stabilising Iraq in the process of reconstruction. The objective is reasonable, but why should such a mission be regarded to be a task for NATO?” Fritz Felgentreu.
And then we'll take a question from Mr Kuzichev, please.
QUESTION [Mr Kuzichev]: Thank you. Thank you, Mr Secretary General. My question would be about the last part of your speech related to the dangers of proliferation of nuclear weapons. You mentioned, as far as I could see, three nuclear countries; Russia, China and Iran, to my surprise, as… and…
[inaudible]
QUESTION [Mr Kuzichev]: Thank you. Then it was a misinterpretation, OK. But in any case, would you be so kind and make certain comments on United States’ attempts to set additional pressure on North Korea, expressing its intentions to wipe North Korea out of the Earth's face in the UN General Assembly this year, as well as the United States’ threats or intentions to withdraw from the Iranian deal. How do you believe these actions and threats either strengthen or weaken the proliferation system, in the case of North Korea and in the case of Iran? Thank you.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: OK, so we have three questions, Jens.
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: First, about Syria. Well, I was asked about the challenges between Turkey and the United States in Syria, that was the reason why I respond to that. But I agree that the situation in Syria is about much more than the relationship between Turkey and Syria… and United States. Of course, we share the concerns about the humanitarian situation, the suffering of the people, the violence, the killing of civilians, and therefore the main message is that we all support the efforts to find a peaceful, political, negotiated solution and we strongly support the efforts of the UN and by Steffan de Mistura, to energise these efforts to find a political solution. So, NATO's main message is to support those efforts. Then, the reality is that, in the lack of a political solution, we have a very difficult situation in Northern Syria and the… and the NATO Allies have… have all participated in the campaign to defeat ISIS, both in Syria and Iraq, and NATO is member of the
Coalition to defeat ISIS, and we have also provided support to the Coalition with our AWACS surveillance planes and with training of Iraqi officers. But again, we don’t think there is a military solution, we need a political solution.
Turkey has some legitimate security concerns. No other NATO Ally has suffered more terrorist attacks than Turkey, but we expect them to address these concerns in a proportionate and measured way, and we also welcome the fact that Turkey has briefed all NATO Allies on the operation in Afrin, where several Allies have underlined the importance of a measured and proportionate response.
Then, on Iraq, well the main message is that we are more safe when our neighbours are more secure and Iraq is a neighbour of NATO, a neighbour of Turkey, which is a neighbour… which is a NATO Ally, so NATO feels a responsibility to try to also help to stabilise our neighbourhood. We do that of course in close cooperation with the Iraqi government. NATO has the structures, the experience, the knowledge, of how to train forces, and I think that we have seen a significant shift in the way NATO is contributing to the fight against terrorism over the last years. Before, NATO conducted big combat operations, as we for instance have done in Afghanistan over many years. Now, we are shifting from combat to train. So, for instance in Afghanistan, we ended the combat operation, we do now training of local forces, and that’s exactly also what we are going to do, or scale up, in Iraq. Because I believe that in the long run, it's much more viable, much more sustainable, that we train local forces, enabling them to stabilise their own countries, instead of NATO conducting big combat operations. So, to enable the Iraqi forces to avoid ISIL or Al-Qaeda, or anything like that, to come back, we have to help them build their military institutions, train their officers, and one of the issues where NATO is going to work a lot is on how to build as a… military academies, military schools, to train the trainers and to help Iraq build a strong defence and security sector.
Sorry, nuclear. Sorry. Yes, well first of all, we attach great importance to the Iran Nuclear Deal and it is important that it is fully implemented. Second, when it comes to North Korea, well I think the good news is that at least the UN Security Council, with all the permanent members, have… or has been able to agree on tougher sanctions and we need maximum pressure on North Korea, which then of course depends on strict economic sanctions. And we have seen tougher sanctions and we have seen also that the sanctions are implemented to a larger extent now than before. I'm not saying this is easy, but I am saying that pressure on North Korea is the way to denuclearise and to make sure that North Korea abandon their nuclear missile programmes.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Thank you. We have time for maybe three or four more questions. There is a question in the back, but there was Carl Bildt. So, I'll call on Carl. Then I'll call on the lady, is this Natalie? And on the gentleman over there, third… yes. Is that Frank?
FRANK: Yes.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: OK. Right, Carl Bildt.
QUESTION [Carl Bildt]: Secretary General, you mentioned, rightly I think, the dangers associated with INF Treaty, if that were to sort of be endangered one way or the other, there are several issues there. But you highlighted the Russian one, needless to say, and the ground launch cruise missile that one way or the other is there. I noticed your… how you phrased it, you say Russia has flight tested, no, developed and flight tested a cruise… a ground launch cruise missile. But you avoided, or you did not mention, the word deployed. Was that a deliberate phrasing or was it just an omission?
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: All right. Then the next one is Natalie. Yes, there.
QUESTION [Natalie]: Concerning European defence, indeed there have been remarkable steps being made over the last couple of years, and what's interesting is that these steps have been made in close communication with NATO and have gone hand in hand with an unprecedented deepening of EU-NATO cooperation. Now, you put a lot of emphasis on the risks and, listening to you, it seems a bit like going back to the 1990s, you know, the older debate of the three Ds, and what's not clear to me is, why is there this resurgence of doubts within NATO concerning the desirability of European defence?
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Thank you. And then we have Frank Wisner, over there.
QUESTION [Frank Wisner]: Secretary General, on 7th February the European Commission published a very strong report pointing to the deteriorating situation in the Western Balkans and calling for a number of measures to accelerate the progress the European… of Western Balkans into Europe during this year, heading towards the Summit in Sofia. Integration is not just an economic and social matter. The Western Balkans is a dangerous place and security is a hugely important factor, particularly in the face of rising threats, including increased Russian activity. Is it possible to imagine close coordination between a fresh round of EU efforts and NATO efforts, to jointly bring the nations of the Western Balkans into the transatlantic community?
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: All right. Back to you, Jens.
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: First, to Carl Bildt. Well, I used the official language the United States is using, and the reason why I did that was that I would like to be very precise, because this is not a NATO… how should I say… assessment, this is a US assessment, because US's part in the INF Treaty. Then there may be reports about other things, but I used the official US language because this is a US determination. Regardless, the important thing is to make sure that we protect INF Treaty and that Russia is transparent and verifiable, in compliance with the treaty. That’s the main message.
Then, on EU defence. Well, I am as positive as I can, meaning that I welcome the efforts to strengthen European, or EU, defence in all my speeches, but I think also that in all my speeches I have also highlighted that we need to avoid duplication. I think I have used the word duplication in all my speeches, just to make sure that there is no risk for duplication and no risk for competition. And, for instance, that has to done in a way which strengthens the European pillar within NATO. I think that’s a direct quote of Ursula von der Leyen, that has stated many times that this is not about creating an alternative to NATO, but this is about strengthening the European pillar within NATO. So, I think actually it is important that I, but also European leaders, as they have done many times, state again and again that this is not about competing with NATO, because… and it's easier for us to provide full support and easier for us to also then calm down those who might be still a bit… what should I say… afraid that this may create duplication or be an alternative to NATO. And the reason why European leaders themselves so strongly have underlined that this is not about collective defence, this is not about creating alternative command structures or an alternative to NATO, it's that it is obvious that, when it comes to protecting Europe, which is more than the EU, then we need the transatlantic bond and we need non-EU Allies, as Britain soon to be, Norway in the North, Turkey in the South. So… and of course Canada and United States. 80% of NATO's defence spending is non-EU, so there is no way EU can replace NATO, but EU efforts can complement and strengthen NATO, and therefore I strongly welcome those efforts. That’s my… I think that has been my message in all my speeches and… and I continue to say so.
Then on the Western Balkans, well NATO has a history there, the EU has a history there, we have a responsibility and sometimes I am a bit afraid that we are so focused on Syria, Iraq, Afghanistan, which is important, that we forget our closest neighbourhood, the Western Balkans. And we have to be focused on the Western Balkans, because there are some developments which are really going in the wrong direction, but at least we… and I really believe that NATO and the EU can do more together. We already work together, but we can do more together. NATO, we have as EU members in the region, Slovenia and Croatia, but NATO ... also Albania and Montenegro, and I recently visited Skopje and I really hope that it is possible to find a solution to the name issue, because then we can also move on that issue, when it comes to membership. But this is not only about membership, this is also about working with partners, for instance Serbia. I welcome that we are strengthening our partnership with Serbia, I welcome also that EU is… what should I say… working on that. So, the Western Balkan is absolutely a region where we have to do more and have to do more together with the European Union.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: OK. Any final questions? Two more. [Horst Tajik] first and then Steve Arlanger.
QUESTION [Horst Tajic]: [in German]
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: And the last question goes to Steve Arlanger.
QUESTION [Steve Arlanger]: Thank you Wolfgang. Mr Stoltenberg, you were pretty explicit about your concerns about EU strategic autonomy, as some people have put it. But I want to press you a little more on two things. One, do you think the French idea of a European intervention force is duplicative or a good idea or a bad idea, explicitly? And secondly, American officials have been quoted lately as saying they have grave doubts about PESCO and what it entails for NATO. Are those comments helpful to… helpful to you or are they hurtful? And have they been coordinated with you? Thank you.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Jens, before you reply, since we are talking here about NATO-related issues and about the transatlantic relationship, allow me to use just 30 seconds to set the record straight. There was a news item on German television, and this is why I will say what I say now in Deutsche; ... [in German]
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Back to you, Jens.
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: So, first on arms control. I agree that arms control is very important and that’s also the reason why I actually spoke a lot about arms control in my introduction, about the importance of nuclear arms control. And the first thing we can do is to make sure that agreements we have are fully implemented, meaning that we make sure that the INF Treaty, which is not just a small agreement, but it's actually an agreement that abolish a whole category of weapons, intermediate-range weapons, that we make sure that that treaty is fully respected. The other message is that we have to make sure that Non-Proliferation Treaty is fully respected and that we avoid proliferation, and that’s the Iran deal and that’s also to make sure that, for instance, North Korea is not developing nuclear weapons. And then of course I mentioned the fact that a week ago, on 5th February, that was the date where we fully implemented the new START agreement, which puts a ceiling 1,550 warheads in total on each side, in Russia and United States. That’s a big achievement and it shows that nuclears… that arms control works. And I think we should use that as an inspiration to do more.
And then I welcome the fact that, for instance Secretary Mattis, in his testimony to the Congress, reiterated the US commitment to further reductions in nuclear weapons. So, we should protect the agreements we have and build on them to achieve more. Meaning also that we have to, for instance, protect what we call the Vienna Document, which is a very important document on conventional issues and how to make sure that we have transparency and risk reduction. We do get that Russia is finding ways to at least undermine the intentions and the way this document is working. We want to modernise it, but so far we have not been able to reach agreement with Russia on modernising the Vienna Document. Open Skies, an important agreement, which is working. And then we have to [forget] that CFE is not in place.
The NATO-Russia Council is important and the good news is that after two years with no meetings at all, from 2014 to the summer of 2016, we have had six meetings since then. Those meetings are not solving all the problems, but at least there are… the meetings of NATO-Russia Council, they are a platform for NATO Allies and Russia to sit down around a table and address issues as Ukraine, as risk reduction and transparency, military posture, Afghanistan and other issues. I think that’s… that is important. The dialogue with Russia is not easy, but that’s exactly why it is important and I will continue to work for dialogue with Russia. Russia is our neighbour, Russia is here to stay, we have to strive for a better relationship with Russia.
PESCO and… well, we had a Defence Ministerial Meeting on Wednesday and Thursday and we all welcomed PESCO. We welcome PESCO, we welcome the European Defence Fund, but the message has been all the way, from me and from all other who have addressed this, that it has to be done in a way which is not duplicating NATO. I think that was in my first comment when I was commenting on the PESCO. I welcomed the launch of PESCO, but at the same time I actually quoted EU leaders and European leaders, who have themselves stated that this is not going to duplicate NATO, this is not an alternative to NATO, we are dependent on NATO, NATO is important for European security, and they are… because they are aware of that 80% of NATO's defence spending is coming from non-NATO…
QUESTION: That’s what you just said three minutes ago and I'm asking you if [inaudible]
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: Well yeah, then I can… so, we welcome…
QUESTION: [inaudible]
JENS STOLTENBERG [NATO Secretary General]: Yeah. You asked me about then, as a new European capabilities, a French force. We welcome also of course new European capabilities. Forces, equipment and so on. What we have underlined, and again in all my comments and in all my meetings with EU Ministers and press statements and so on, is that it has… that there are three important points. One is coherence when it comes to capability developments, because NATO has a defence planning process and we can not end up in a world where there is one list from NATO and then a competing capability requirements from the EU. And that’s a problem for me, but it's an even bigger problem for the nations, because then they will have two institutions coming with two lists and asking for different capabilities. So, it's obvious that there has to be coherence in the capability developments between NATO and the European Union. No way it can work without coherence. I say that, but also EU leaders say that. Second, is the principle of availability. NATO has asked European Allies to provide more capabilities for years. Then we can not… what shall I say… criticise them when they start to develop capabilities. We should welcome that, as long as those capabilities are available for NATO operations. And they have stated clearly yes, these capabilities, if drones or divisions or brigades or ships, whatever it is, they will of course be available for NATO operations. So, that’s fine. And the third principle is the strongest possible inclusion of non-EU Allies, taking of course into consideration, respecting the autonomy and the integrity of the European Union, but we have to integrate and include non-EU Allies as much as possible, because the European Union will not be able to protect Europe by itself, partly because we are dependent on North America, but also on non-EU NATO Allies. Because EU is big, but there are also actually some European countries which are not a member of the European Union, like Turkey, important in the South in the fight against terrorism, like Norway in the North, addressing all the challenges in the Barents Sea, and like for instance the United Kingdom in the West.
WOLFGANG ISCHINGER: Mr Secretary General, thank you so much. I want to remind the audience that those of you who are interested in the relationship between NATO and the EU, in the defence area, please come back in half an hour because we continue this debate with two Defence Ministers from the European Union, with Jens's Deputy, Rose Gottemoeller, and a few other experts. So, be back in half an hour. Now let's give a hand to Secretary Stoltenberg.
Selected Highlights of MSC
An opinion poll commissioned by the MSC and McKinsey shows that a majority of Europeans want to have their armed forces to be deployable beyond their national borders, preferably around the world.
Calculations by the RAND Corporation compare the strength of NATO's and Russia's military power in the Baltic States in case of a short-notice confrontation. Russia outnumbers NATO's rapidly deployable combat units in terms of artillery and infantry by far, while NATO possesses air superiority.
The Vienna Center for Disarmament and Non-Proliferation demonstrates the severe impact a cancellation of the INF treaty could have. The projection shows that Russia’s INF missiles could likely reach every major NATO/US base and nuclear weapon storage sites in Europe.
New data provided by the Mercator Institute for China Studies (MERICS) shows the significant expansion of China's infrastructure in the South Chinese Sea as well as the increasing global military footprint of China.
Previously unpublished data by the International Institute for Strategic Studies show the military expenditures and procurement priorities of select African countries. The data show that patrol boats and helicopters, for example, are in demand, whereas there is no procurement contract for systems like submarines, cruisers, destroyers, frigates or corvettes.
The James Martin Center for Nonproliferation Studies and the Nuclear Threat Initiative provide an assessment of the state of the North Korean nuclear program and an analysis of what a cancellation of the Iranian nuclear deal would mean.
Unpublished projections by UNEP show the correlation between drought and low intensity conflicts in a world map.
Lahore 17 Feb. 2018 (AlJazeera News)
A Pakistani serial killer convicted of rape and murder of a seven-year-old girl Zainab Ansari has been sentenced to death, prosecutors say.
The trial was held in the Eastern city Lahore by the country's special anti-terrorism court on Saturday in the presence of the killer, Mohammad Imran Ali.
Zainab was found dead in a rubbish dump on January 9 in Kasur district near Lahore, in Punjab province, several days after her disappearance.
Imran was arrested two weeks after he committed the crime that ignited nationwide protests.
"I am very thankful to the chief justice; he treated Zainab like his own daughter," Zainab's father Amin Ansari told Al Jazeera.
Imran Ali is sentenced to death on four counts but Zainab's mother deems this as insufficient for the crimes he committed.
"I want him hanged where he threw Zainab's body. And he should be stoned. Hanging him is just ordinary for him," Nusrat Amin told Al Jazeera.
"Everyone should take part in stoning him. And this thing about four hangings, one hanging, two hangings, what difference does it make? I want him hanged where he killed my girl."
Doha 17 Feb. 2018
Hamad Medical Corporation announced effective Sunday 18th of February access to Hamad General Hospital’s (HGH) Emergency Department (Entrance 4; Al Rayyan Road, opposite Lulu Hypermarket) will be restricted to emergency patient drop-offs and ambulances. This road access change is due to essential construction work taking place on the new Trauma and Emergency facility, located in front of the existing Emergency Department.
Patients, visitors, and staff needing to access Hamad General Hospital Outpatient Departments should use Entrance 3, or any of the alternative drop-off locations on the eastern side of the campus. No stopping or parking on the access roads will be permitted to ensure traffic remains free-flowing.
Access to the Hamad General Hospital multi-storey parking facility will be available from Gate 3. The ground level vehicle exit on the Western side of the Hamad General Hospital multi-storey parking facility will be closed.
Hamad General Hospital’s Emergency Department is one of the busiest in the world, receiving over half a million patient visits each year. The new Trauma and Emergency facility, which is scheduled to open next year, will significantly expand trauma and emergency services in Qatar, more than quadrupling the existing department's space and providing greater capacity to care for Qatar’s most critically ill patients.
Arranged over four floors, the new Trauma and Emergency facility is a substantial investment in the provision of leading edge, best practice emergency and trauma care and reinforces Hamad Medical Corporation’s (HMC) commitment to providing the people of Qatar with high quality, world-class facilities and healthcare.
These road access changes will be in place for several months. Members of the public are asked to cooperate by keeping the emergency access area clear.
Doha 17 Feb 2018
Qatar International Center for Conciliation and Arbitration announced the start of the training program for the qualification and preparation of arbitrators 2018, in cooperation with the Center for Continuing Education at the University of Qatar.
The program will begin on Sunday, 18 February at the University of Qatar, and includes six parts comprising 90 training hours, And will conclude in May.
Dr. Thani Bin Ali Al Thani, Board Member of the Qatar International Center for Reconciliation and Arbitration, said that the training program comes within the framework of promoting the culture of arbitration between lawyers, business owners and professionals and preparing arbitrators capable of arbitration in various commercial disputes. The Center seeks to raise awareness among jurists about the best international means of commercial arbitration and the organization of arbitration courses as one of the best alternative means for commercial companies in the State of Qatar to resolve their commercial disputes away from litigation in the courts. Arbitration has many advantages such as efficiency, speed, confidentiality and simplicity of procedure.
He explained that the training program for the qualification and preparation of arbitrators deals with the ability to absorb the idea of commercial arbitration and its various applications, the procedures for managing arbitration proceedings by the arbitrator and the defendant against him, how to formulate the arbitration ruling and its most important elements, The arbitration concept and its legal nature, the arbitration agreement and its drafting rules, and the arbitral award in terms of the method of its issuance and the principles of its formulation, in addition to the implementation or invalidity of the arbitral award.
Following can take part in the program :
Lawyers and legal advisers, legal and administrative leaders in public and private sector, members of legal departments in ministries and government institutions, banks and financial institutions, heads and members of boards and directors of companies and entrepreneurs, contractors, commercial agents, arbitrators and experts in the field of commercial disputes, engineers and accountants, law students and lawyers under training.
Washington 16 Feb 2017 (New York Times)
The Justice Department charged 13 Russians and three companies on Friday in a sprawling indictment that unveiled a sophisticated network designed to subvert the 2016 election and to support the Trump campaign. It stretched from an office in St. Petersburg, Russia, into the social feeds of Americans and ultimately reached the streets of election battleground states.
The Russians stole the identities of American citizens, posed as political activists and used the flash points of immigration, religion and race to manipulate a campaign in which those issues were already particularly divisive, prosecutors said.
Some of the Russians were also in contact with “unwitting individuals associated with the Trump campaign,” according to court papers. Robert S. Mueller III, the special counsel leading the investigation, made no accusation that President Trump or his associates were knowingly part of the conspiracy.
“The indictment alleges that the Russian conspirators want to promote discord in the United States and undermine public confidence in democracy,” Rod J. Rosenstein, the deputy attorney general overseeing the inquiry, said in a brief news conference. “We must not allow them to succeed.”
The 37-page indictment — handed up by a federal grand jury in Washington — amounted to a detailed rebuttal of Mr. Trump, who has sowed doubts that Russia interfered in the election and dismissed questions about its meddling as “fake news.”
The Justice Department said Mr. Mueller’s work was not complete. The indictment does not address the hacking of Democratic email systems or whether Mr. Trump tried to obstruct the F.B.I. investigation into Russian interference. Mr. Mueller is negotiating with the president’s lawyers over the terms of a possible interview.
The Russian operation began four years ago, well before Mr. Trump entered the presidential race, a fact that he quickly seized on in his defense. “Russia started their anti-US campaign in 2014, long before I announced that I would run for President,”he wrote on Twitter. “The results of the election were not impacted. The Trump campaign did nothing wrong - no collusion!”
But Mr. Trump’s statement ignored the government’s conclusion that, by 2016, the Russians were “supporting the presidential campaign of then-candidate Donald J. Trump” and disparaging Hillary Clinton, his opponent. Working out of the office in St. Petersburg, the Russians described waging “information warfare against the United States of America,” according to court documents.
Mr. Mueller has gathered extensive evidence of contacts between Russia and the Trump campaign: Mr. Trump's eldest son met with a Russian lawyer in hopes of receiving political dirt on Mrs. Clinton; one adviser has admitted being tipped off in advance to Russian hacking of Democratic emails; another was in contact with a Twitter account used by Russian hackers; a federal judge found probable cause that a third adviser was an unlawful Russian agent. And the Trump campaign repeatedly and falsely denied any contacts with Russia.
Whether any of that violated federal law is the weightiest question facing Mr. Mueller, and Friday’s indictment did not answer it. But it painted a picture of a Russian operation that was multipronged, well financed and relentless.
Russian operatives traveled across the United States to gather intelligence and foment political discord. They worked with an unidentified American who advised them to focus their efforts on what they viewed as “purple” election battleground states, including Colorado, Virginia and Florida, the indictment said.
In August 2016, prosecutors said, Russians posed as Americans and coordinated with Trump campaign staff to organize rallies in Florida.
Such anecdotes are rare examples of how intelligence agencies work covertly to influence political outcomes abroad. The C.I.A. has conducted such operations for decades, but both Mr. Mueller’s indictment and an intelligence assessment last year present a startling example — unprecedented in its scope and audacity — of a foreign government working to help elect an American president.
The indictment does not explicitly say the Russian government sponsored the effort, but American intelligence officials have publicly said that President Vladimir V. Putin of Russia directed and oversaw it. The indictment notes that two of the Russian firms involved hold Russian government contracts.
“This is clearly a message document,” Robert S. Litt, the former general counsel to the director of national intelligence, said of the indictment. “Mueller wants to end the debate over whether there was Russian interference in the election.”
The Russian nationals were accused of working with the Internet Research Agency, which had a budget of millions of dollars and was designed to reach millions of Americans. The defendants were charged with carrying out a massive fraud against the American government and conspiring to obstruct enforcement of federal laws.
None of the defendants were arrested — Russia does not generally extradite its citizens to the United States. But prosecutors use such indictments to name and shame operatives, making it harder for them to work undetected in the future. If they travel abroad, they risk capture and extradition.
Russian computer specialists, divided into day teams and night teams, created hundreds of social media accounts that eventually attracted hundreds of thousands of online followers. They posed as Christian activists, anti-immigration groups and supporters of the Black Lives Matter movement. One account posed as the Tennessee Republican Party and generated hundreds of thousands of followers, prosecutors said.
Separate divisions of the Internet Research Agency were in charge of graphics, data analysis and information technology, according to the indictment.
“I created all these pictures and posts, and the Americans believed that it was written by their people,” one of the Russians, Irina Viktorovna Kaverzina, wrote as the operation was being unmasked.
Their tasks included undermining Mrs. Clinton by supporting her Democratic primary campaign rival, Bernie Sanders, prosecutors said. Those instructions were detailed in internal documents: “Use any opportunity to criticize Hillary and the rest (except Sanders and Trump — we support them).” Mr. Mueller identified 13 digital advertisements paid for by the Russian operation. All of them attacked Mrs. Clinton or promoted Mr. Trump.
“Hillary is a Satan, and her crimes and lies had proved just how evil she is,” one advertisement stated.
In summer 2016, as Mrs. Clinton appeared headed for a decisive general election victory, Russian operatives promoted allegations of Democratic voter fraud. That echoed Mr. Trump’s own message that he was the victim of a rigged political system.
After the election, the Russians kept up their efforts to foment dissent. In November, they staged two rallies in New York on the same day. One had the theme, “Show your support for President-Elect Trump.” The other was called, “Trump is NOT my President.”
The indictment does not say that Russia changed the outcome of the election, a fact that Mr. Rosenstein noted repeatedly. American intelligence officials have said they have no way of calculating the effect of the Russian influence.
The Federal Election Commission started its own inquiry into the Internet Research Agency last year, according to documents obtained by the New York Times. after Facebook revealed that the firm had paid more than $100,000 for politically themed ads, including ones promoting “Down With Hillary” rallies.
The commission’s inquiry was prompted by a complaint filed by the government watchdog group Common Cause that claimed that the Facebook ads violated the prohibition on foreign spending, as well as requirements mandating the disclosure of campaign spending.
The Kremlin’s spokesman, Dmitri S. Peskov, told the RBC news website that Russian officials have not familiarized themselves with the document yet.
Mr. Mueller also revealed Friday that Richard Pinedo, of Santa Paula, Calif., had pleaded guilty to identity fraud in a case involving the sale of bank accounts over the internet. According to court papers, some of Mr. Pinedo’s customers are foreigners who are targets of Mr. Mueller’s inquiry. Mr. Pinedo has pleaded guilty and is cooperating with Mr. Mueller, court documents show.
Doha 17 Feb 2018
Qatar Foundation (QF) announced today launch of its 'Akhlaquna Award' initiative, designed to recognize and celebrate young people who display exemplary moral character towards the good of humanity.
Machaille Al-Naimi, President of Community Development, QF, said “Akhlaquna is an example of QF’s commitment to inspiring the community and empowering the next generation of leaders in Qatar through recognizing the work of those who are actively implementing and spreading great moral values.
“We encourage all members of the community to get involved in this exciting initiative, which aims to promote universal values such as mercy, tolerance, honesty, and generosity. Indeed, at Qatar Foundation we seek to embody local culture and foster social engagement as part of our community development mission area, and these values, which effectively underpin the concept of Akhlaquna, are central to our Islamic heritage.”
The Akhlaquna Award was first announced by Sheikha Moza bint Nasser, Chairperson of Qatar Foundation, during QF’s Convocation 2017 ceremony, where she told 765 graduates from QF’s nine universities that “knowledge and morality are interlinked; morals guide knowledge towards the good of humanity, they are intertwined. No civilization has flourished without the pillars of knowledge and morality.”
Mohammed Fakhroo, Director, Community Outreach at QF, said “The candidates for this award are individuals who have developed projects and initiatives that strive to serve the community. At QF, we are delighted to celebrate these individuals, who personalize the values that distinguish the Prophet (PBUH), and to provide them with the support and guidance they need in order to build a better society.”
QF has now begun accepting nominations for the 2018 Akhlaquna Award through its dedicated website www.akhlaquna.qa and members of the public are invited to nominate individuals between the ages of 15–35, or initiatives which they believe are eligible for the award. The submission deadline for nominations is March 31.
Eligibility for the award will go to those considered to have best embodied the four selected morals of the Akhlaqunainitiative. Nominees can be Qatari nationals or residents in Qatar and can include local or international initiatives which do not need to be based in the country. The scope of the submitted initiatives should include characteristics that embody one or more of the selected universal values.
A judging panel has been established to review all nominations, and finalists will be shortlisted for public voting through an online platform. The winner of the inaugural Akhlaquna Award will receive mentorship for their initiatives, with the winner to be announced during Convocation 2018, set to take place on May 1.
For further information, please visit the Akhlaquna Award website, or on Facebook at Akhlaquna Qatar; Twitter @akhlaqunaqa; and Instagram @akhlaquna.
Doha 17 Feb. 2018
Qatar Tennis Federation and Total agreed this morning to renew for further three years of sponsorship agreement. In a press conference, Nasser bin Ghanim Al-Khelaifi, Chairman, Higher Organizing Committee announced in Doha.
Present on the occasion was Laurent Wolffsheim, Managing Director, Total EP Golfe and Group Representative.
AlKhelaifi expressed his satisfaction on the participation of world top 10 seeds and said that he was proud to have them in tournament. He thanked all for their hard work in tournament. Addressing to media, AlKhelifi praised role of media and asked to suggest on further improving.
He said that he will like to see more improvement, but he does not know how but look into it.
He announced on renewing agreement with Total and lauded role of Total not only support to sport of Tennis and other sports in Qatar but beyond that to State of Qatar. AlKhelaifi paid thanks to Total for it's partnership with QTF and said he is proud of that.
Laurent Wolffsheim said that partnership between Total and QTF is important in playing social responsibility and contributing towards Qatar 2030 Vision. For Total, it is important not only playing role towards social responsibility but also towards youth development and the sport.
Wolffsheim lauded 'great professionalism' of organization and proud to witness hosting wonderful players. He thanked ruler of Qatar for having confidence in Total and wished best for the remaining of tournament.
World Renowned Voice of US Open, ND Taylor, Voice of the Qatar Open Tournament conducted the press conference.
Doha 17 Feb. 2018 (WTA)
World No. 1, Caroline Wozniacki (DEN) will face Petra Kvitova (CZE), World No. 16 in Semi-Final of Qatar Total Open 2018 being held in Doha, Qatar.
Winner of the game will face tomorrow, Sunday in Final to Muguruza who got walk away in Semi-final because of Simona Halep injury who left Doha.
On Friday Quarter Final matches left long years of memories of finest games presented by the players.
In a sensation match between World No. 1 seed Caroline Wozniacki from Denmark and World No. 8, German Angelique Kerber, Wozniacki won by 7-6 1-6 6-3 at Qatar Total Open 2018 in Doha.
In another matches of Quarter Final, following are the results :
Maria Sharapova was out earlier in preliminary matches.
After her win to enter in Semi-Final, World No. 1, Wozniacki said n'Life hasn't changed at all, Life is the same. Still the same when I go back on the practice courts. I still have things that I need to work on, and I still get stuff from my dad saying move your feet, do this. So nothing has changed in that regard.
"I think the only thing that has changed with people treating me differently is that I have not gotten the question of being No.1 without a Grand Slam," she said with a laugh. "So that's a difference, that's a big difference and that's a change that I'm very happy about", reported by WTA.
Late-career resurgences aren't a new a concept on the WTA Tour, but you would be hard-pressed to find a more unlikely success story than 29-year-old Mihaela Buzarnescu. In just nine months, the Romanian has gone from being ranked outside the Top 500 to making her Top 40 debut next week. She has qualified for her first Slam main draw (US Open), made her first WTA final (Hobart), and tallied her first Top 10 win (Ostapenko) in her first Premier 5 main draw appearance (Doha). That's a lot of "firsts" for a 29-year-old Ph.D. student.
"Maybe I should start a notebook to keep track of these things," Buzarnescu told WTA Insider after her win over Jelena Ostapenko at the Qatar Total Open. "When you don't give up, it's coming."
Just over a year ago, the Romanian began 2017 ranked outside the Top 500, having had a promising young career derailed by a flurry of injuries that knocked her off the tour and led her to pursue her Ph.D in sports science at the National University of Physical Education and Sport in Bucharest as she waited for her body to heal.
And then, suddenly, her body did heal. Playing in team matches for Leimonias in Holland last summer, Buzarnescu suddenly felt no pain in her knee. Then, she couldn't stop winning matches. Ranked No.374 last June, Buzarnescu ran off a streak of 20 consecutive match wins on the ITF level, winning events in Hungary, Turkey, Spain, and Germany. By July she had matched her career-high ranking of No.141, which she first hit in 2012.
The milestones kept coming for Buzarnescu. She qualified for her first Slam main draw at the US Open and posted her best WTA result in the fall, making the semifinals of Linz as a qualifier. Thanks to continued to success on the ITF circuit - Buzarnescu won a total of seven ITF events in 2017 - the Romanian cracked the Top 100 for the first time in her career and finished at a career-high No.72.
So far in 2018, Buzarnescu has proven her surge shows no signs of stopping. She made her first WTA final at the Hobart International and will crack the Top 40 for the first time after scoring the first Top 10 win of her career over Jelena Ostapenko at the Qatar Total Open.
WTA Insider caught up with Buzarnescu to discuss her nine-month rankings rise, how she almost thought her career was over, and what all this late success means to her now.
WTA Insider: How does this all feel for you, this rise up the rankings that's happened during this late stage of your career? Buzarnescu: It's something new that I always dreamed about since I was young. Since I started to play tennis my dad always used to say, 'You hit once with a forehand, then once with a backhand, and everything will be ok for you.' Easy to say, hard to do. So for me, after all my injuries, it's really a dream come true to get a chance to be at this level and play high-level matches.
WTA Insider: When you were able to restart your career, was this your goal? To reach new heights, to crack the Top 100, the Top 50, the Top 40 for the first time? Buzarnescu: When I came back last year, at the beginning I didn't have any clue any of this would happen. I still had pain in my knees at the beginning of the year. I was playing not so well. I came here and I won one round of qualies, then I took five weeks off. I played some ITFs and I wasn't playing good. I was just thinking, will I be able to play 25Ks in Italy at the end of the year or not? I was still thinking if I would be able to play or not because the pain was there.
Then in June, I started to play again, after playing some team matches in Holland, and all of a sudden I didn't have any pain in my knee. I was trying to be more relaxed. I got help from my team who supported me. My dad was always there, my mom, my boyfriend, and I had some friends who didn't know me so well and they were really into helping me. This helped me the most. Trusting them and just playing more relaxed.
WTA Insider: Now that you're a regular at WTA tournaments, how have you found the experience? Has anything surprised you? Buzarnescu: It's really nice. Everything is so different from the ITF tournaments. They treat you so well, but at the same time, fewer players talk to you. Everyone has their own team and nobody talks. At the ITFs there's more socialization.
But I've been dreaming about this since I was small. I really hope to be able to stay more in these kinds of tournaments and play against the top players. That's how you improve your level.
WTA Insider: How close are you to your maximum? Buzarnescu: You always have something more to give. I don't think I'm at my maximum level. I think I can do more but you have to work for that. I just hope staying more at this level will help me more and more.